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October 23, 2025

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 Welcome to this week’s meeting of the eClub of the State of Jefferson.

Hello eClub Members, and welcome to this week’s weekly meeting. 

So very sorry for my absence these past few weeks or has it been longer?!?  I have been so busy that I have lost track of time. 

I am vacating my house in Bremerton because I am going to rent it out for the next year to two. In the meantime, I am going to be visiting friends and family before I head down to Mazatlán for the winter. I am not exactly sure where I will end up when I get back, but my brother Scott suggested that I rent/buy an RV so I can go to different places, and not feel like I am intruding on my friends and family.

I am currently in Bend, Oregon visiting a friend, and also looking at small low maintenance houses/condos.

My next stop is to San Antonio, Texas to visit my niece and family and to also look at condos.  I will be there for a couple of weeks, and then I will be off to Las Vegas, Nevada to visit my sister Lea and her husband John Bushnell for another couple of weeks.

I will then fly to Santa Barbara, California to stay with my other sister Kelly and her husband Chris (and family) Brand for a month before I fly south to Mexico.  I plan to fly back to the U.S. on March 28, 2026.

The best part is that I belong to the State of Jefferson Rotary eClub, and I can attend a meeting or Coffee Chat wherever I am!

I hope you all enjoy this week’s meeting, and if you don’t hear from me for a couple of weeks, it just means I am enjoying family and friends.

Yours in Rotary,
Jackie

2025 2026 Unite for Good B

Jackie Oakley
2025-2026 Club President

The Four-Way Test

The Four-Way Test is a nonpartisan and nonsectarian ethical guide for Rotarians to use for their personal and professional relationships.
The test has been translated into more than 100 languages, and Rotarians recite it at club meetings:

Of the things we think, say or do

  1. Is it the TRUTH?
  2. Is it FAIR to all concerned?
  3. Will it build GOODWILL and BETTER FRIENDSHIPS?
  4. Will it be BENEFICIAL to all concerned?

 

 

 


email president@StateOfJeffersonRotary.org



 

 

Weekly eClub "Coffee Chat" Zoom meetings
Tuesday at 12:00 PM PDT

 I believe these “fellowship” meetings have been valuable. They are informal opportunities to get acquainted with our members. If it fits your schedule, I look forward to “seeing” you at the meetings.

 

 


October is Economic and Community Development Month 

October
October is Economic and Community Development Month 

Nearly 1.4 billion employed people live on less than $1.25 a day. Our members promote economic and community development and reduce poverty in underserved communities through training, well-paying jobs, and access to financial management institutions. Projects range from providing people with equipment to vocational training. Our members work to strengthen local entrepreneurs and community leaders, particularly women, in impoverished communities.

Join Rotary and help grow local economies around the world.
Give now to promote economic growth in communities.

Read news about Rotary's work to grow local economies




 
 

Stitch in time: Rotarians teach Adivasi widows how to sew, earn a sustainable living

women sitting in front of their new sewing machines in a training classThe Adivasi women participating in the training learn sewing on their new machines.

By Aruna Koushik, Rotary Club of Windsor-Roseland, Ontario, Canada

As a recently widowed person, I had been coming to grips with the change in my marital status and the subtle social changes I was experiencing, those of isolation and a noticeable nervousness from some of my friends who were unsure how to react or respond to me. In July 2024, I decided to visit India with my friend Barb Bjarneson. Members of my club’s board of directors wisely charged me with exploring a project for widows, as one of them had heard about the plight of widows in India. 

We visited the tiger sanctuary in Mudumalai for our first time and had the privilege of meeting Zubair Ahmed, the assistant governor of District 3203 (Tamil Nadu, India) and members of the Rotary clubs in Gudalur. Ahmed and the Rotarians told us about the Adivasi, who are heterogeneous tribal groups across the Indian subcontinent indigenous to Asia. Many of them live in the forest areas. They tend to animals under the direction of the government forestry department and work as laborers in the spice and tea estates.  We were invited to visit a settlement and witness firsthand the work they provide in the forest areas.

Our discussions circled around the social structures in place for widows and women who have been abandoned (which happens frequently). Historically in India, widows and abandoned women lose social standing and are often shunned by society or blamed for their misfortunes. Opportunities to support themselves or obtain training are minimal.

Ahmed had connections with Sevalaya Trust, an organization that has been working with the Adivasi and decided to seek their input. Sevalaya has built a great deal of trust with the Adivasi in the Gudalur, Ooty, and surrounding areas providing them services like health care, employment, literacy, and vocational skills.

When I got back to Windsor, I heard from Sevalaya Trust in August that while they provide sustainable training for the women, there is considerable need for access to equipment such as their own sewing machines to be able to work independently and earn a living.

My Rotary Club of Windsor-Roseland approached other clubs in our district, who were willing to organize a project and fund sewing machines for Adivasi women. District 3203 and the Rotary Club of Gudalur Valley would coordinate the project with Sevalaya Trust and District 3234 (Chennai, India) and the Rotary clubs of Chennai-Mambalam and Kilpauk would channel the funds and arrange volunteers.

Sevalaya Trust was instrumental in the application process and handled interviewing and selecting the neediest candidates from among the women. After a call for applications, 80 women were selected and taught basic sewing skills like stitching Indian saree blouse, Kurta and Salwar. Upon completing the training, they received certificates and signed agreements that they would use their skills in a proper way to support themselves. Sevalaya maintains a list of all the women, who indicated they had plans to continue their training.

We selected the Sri Kumaran Trading Centre to supply sewing machines based on the following criteria:

  • a) the price and cost of transportation
  • b) the amount of ongoing support and service promised to keep the machines working and in repair
  • c) how easy it was for women to access this service/repair.

In addition, after the owner of the business heard some of the life stories of these women, he offered to provide ongoing repairs and services on the machines for free.

Stories

Local Rotarians distributed the 80 sewing machines on 11 January, and I had the joy and privilege of being among them. Here are some of the stories I heard.

Aruna Koushik gets a hug from one of the recipients.

One woman talked about living through the COVID pandemic. She had been in a difficult marriage for seven years in which she suffered abuse. The community blamed her, saying she was bad luck. Then her husband died, and she was ostracized.  She had to resort to begging for food and working as a day laborer. When she heard the call for training she decided to apply and started to cry when she was selected.

Another young woman was the mother of two beautiful girls and struggling to make ends meet. Eight years ago, her husband said he was going out to get groceries one day and never returned. She is fighting  to be a role model for her girls and jumped at the chance of making a decent living. She had us all in tears as she thanked everyone for the chance to get a new start in life.

The Ripple effect

After the giveaway, District 3203 Governor Dr. Suresh Babu determined there was a great need to establish a vocational training center. The Rotary clubs of Kotagiri and Kundha agreed to help organize it to train women in basic stitching skills. The Rotary Club of Gudalur jumped in and distributed 10 more sewing machines in those towns on 12 January. The women who received the machines couldn’t stop talking about this life-changing experience. One woman excitedly noted how her teachers helped her decide the price for her sewing products, as she had no idea how much to charge.

As members of Rotary, we truly do create magic in the lives of others!

Aruna Koushik is a past governor of Rotary District 6400 (Ontario, Canada, and Michigan, USA) and a member of the Rotary Club of Roseland-Windsor. She has been active in Rotary for more than two decades and she and her late husband, Shiva, were originally from India. She recently received an honor from the Women’s Enterprise Skills Training of Windsor as a trailblazer for International Women’s Day.

 
 
 
 
 

 

Candy Land Was Invented for Polio Wards

A schoolteacher created the popular board game, which celebrates its 70th anniversary this year, for quarantined children.

Candyland Polio

(The original board even depicts the tentative steps of a boy in a leg brace.)

 

By Alexander B. Joy

If you were a child at some point in the past 70 years, odds are you played the board game Candy Land. According to the toy historian Tim Walsh, a staggering 94 percent of mothers are aware of Candy Land, and more than 60 percent of households with a 5-year-old child own a set. The game continues to sell about 1 million copies every year.

You know how it goes: Players race down a sinuous but linear track, its spaces tinted one of six colors or marked by a special candy symbol. They draw from a deck of cards corresponding to the board’s colors and symbols. They move their token to the next space that matches the drawn color or teleport to the space matching the symbol. The first to reach the end of the track is the winner.

Nothing the participants say or do influences the outcome; the winner is decided the second the deck is shuffled, and all that remains is to see it revealed, one draw at a time. It is a game absent strategy, requiring little thought. Consequently, many parents hate Candy Land as much as their young kids enjoy it.

Yet for all its simplicity and limitations, children still love Candy Land, and adults still buy it. What makes it so appealing? The answer may have something to do with the game’s history: It was invented by Eleanor Abbott, a schoolteacher, in a polio ward during the epidemic of the 1940s and ’50s.

The outbreak had forced children into extremely restrictive environments. Patients were confined by equipment, and parents kept healthy children inside for fear they might catch the disease. Candy Land offered the kids in Abbott’s ward a welcome distraction—but it also gave immobilized patients a liberating fantasy of movement. That aspect of the game still resonates with children today.

Poliomyelitis—better known as polio—was once a feared disease. It struck suddenly, paralyzing its victims, most of whom were children. The virus targets the nerve cells in the spinal cord, inhibiting the body’s control over its muscles.

This leads to muscle weakness, decay, or outright fatality in extreme cases. The leg muscles are the most common sites of polio damage, along with the muscles of the head, neck, and diaphragm. In the last case, a patient would require the aid of an iron lung, a massive, coffin like enclosure that forces the afflicted body to breathe. For children, whose still-developing bodies are more vulnerable to polio infection, the muscle wastage from polio can result in disfigurement if left untreated. Treatment typically involves physical therapy to stimulate muscle development, followed by braces to ensure that the affected parts of the body retain their shape.

Vaccines appeared in the 1950s, and the disease was essentially eradicated by the end of the millennium. But in the mid-century, polio was a medical bogeyman, ushering in a climate of hysteria. “There was no prevention and no cure,” the historian David M. Oshinsky writes. “Everyone was at risk, especially children. There was nothing a parent could do to protect the family.” Like the outbreak of AIDS in the 1980s, polio’s eruption caused fear because its vectors of transmission were poorly understood, its virulence uncertain, and its repercussions unlike those of other illnesses. Initially, polio was called “infantile paralysis” because it struck mostly children, seemingly at random. The evidence of infection was uniquely visible and visceral compared with that of infectious diseases of the past, too. “It maimed rather than killed,” as Patrick Cockburn puts it. “its symbol was less the coffin than the wheelchair.”

Children of the era faced an unenviable lot, whether infected with polio or not. Gerald Shepherd provides a glimpse of the paranoiac atmosphere of the polio scare and its effects on children in a firsthand account of his San Diego childhood in the late 1940s, at the height of the epidemic. Quarantine and seclusion were the most common preventative measures. Our parents didn’t know what to do to protect us except to isolate us from other children … One time I stuck my hand through a window and badly cut myself, and despite several stitches and wads of protective bandaging, my father still grounded me that week for fear polio germs might filter in through the sutures.

Kids his age were well aware of what polio could do. “Every time one of our buddies got sick,” Shepherd recollects, “we figured he was headed for the iron lung.” If you caught polio, you would be committed to a hospital with a chance of being forever anchored to a machine. If you didn’t catch it, you would be stuck indoors for the foreseeable future (which, from a child’s perspective, might as well be forever).

For a child of the 1940s or ’50s, polio meant the same thing whether you contracted it or not: confinement.

The Milton Bradley executive Mel Taft said that Abbott, the inventor of Candy Land, was “a real sweetheart” whom he liked immediately. According to Walsh, the toy historian, the two met when Abbott brought Milton Bradley a Candy Land prototype sketched on butcher paper. “Eleanor was just as sweet as could be,” Taft recalled. “She was a schoolteacher who lived in a very modest home in San Diego.”

Details about her life outside this interaction are scant. Curators at the Strong Museum of Play in Rochester, New York, say that the museum has no holdings in its extensive archives from Abbott’s records; they rely on Walsh’s account. Walsh told me that Taft was his only source, and Hasbro, which now owns Milton Bradley, did not respond to a request for records that might verify Abbott as the game’s inventor. Among the few facts researchers have unearthed about her: A phone book containing her number exists in the collections of the San Diego Historical Society (the only trace of her in its archives). And according to some accounts, she gave much of the royalties she earned from Candy Land to children’s charities.

There is reason to believe that Abbott was ideally suited to consider polio from a child’s perspective. As a schoolteacher, she would have been acquainted with children’s thoughts and needs. And in 1948, when she was in her late 30s, she herself contracted the disease. Abbott recuperated in the polio ward of a San Diego hospital, spending her convalescence primarily among children.

polio 1

(Photo left: Hospital respiratory ward in Los Angeles-1952,  photo courtesy of Centers for Disease Control and Prevention)

Imagine what it must have been like to share an entire hospital ward with children struggling against polio, day after day, as an adult. Kids are poorly equipped to cope with boredom and separation from their loved ones under normal circumstances. But it would be even more unbearable for a child confined to a bed or an iron lung. That was the context in which Abbott made her recovery.

Seeing children suffer around her, Abbott set out to concoct some escapist entertainment for her young ward mates, a game that left behind the strictures of the hospital ward for an adventure that spoke to their wants: the desire to move freely in the pursuit of delights, an easy privilege polio had stolen from them.

From today’s perspective, it’s tempting to see Candy Land as a tool of quarantine, an excuse to keep kids inside in the way Shepherd remembers. The board game gathers all your children in one place, occupying their time and attention. Samira Kawash, a Rutgers University professor, suggests that this is the main way polio informed the game’s development. “The point of Candy Land is to pass the time,” she writes, “certainly a virtue when one’s days are spent in the boring confines of the hospital and an appealing feature as well of a game used to pass the time indoors for children confined to the house.” For Kawash, Candy Land justifies and extends the imprisonment of the hospital, becoming another means of restriction.

But the themes of Candy Land tell a different story. Every element of Abbott’s game symbolizes shaking off the polio epidemic’s impositions. And this becomes apparent if you consider the game’s board and mechanics relative to what children in polio wards would have seen and felt.

In 2010, when he was almost 70 years old, the polio survivor Marshall Barr recalled how only brief escapes from the iron lung were possible. The doctors “used to come and say, ‘You can come out for a little while,’ and I used to sit up perhaps to have a cup of tea,” he wrote, “but then they would have to keep an eye on me because my fingers would go blue and in about 15 minutes I would have to go back in again.” Children would have played Abbott’s early version of Candy Land during these breaks, or in their bed. 

polio 11

Walsh reports that kids loved Abbott’s game, and “soon she was encouraged to submit it to Milton Bradley.” In part, anything that would have reduced boredom would have excited kids during treatment. As the historian Daniel J. Wilson explains, the wards provided little to occupy their young occupants. “In most cases, patients had to find ways to entertain themselves,” he writes.

It was a tall order. The ward’s setup taxed the imagination. The staff, fellow patients, or radio broadcasts would have been a child’s sole company—only doctors and nurses were allowed in the room. Images of polio wards depict a geometry even more rigid and sterile than that of typical hospital settings: row upon row of treatment beds and iron lungs. The children lying supine in iron lungs could see only what was on either side of their head (a line of patients telescoping down the ward) or reflected in mirrors mounted overhead (the floor’s tessellation of bleached tiles).

Candy Land offered a soothing contrast. Repeating tiles line the game’s board, but instead of a uniform, regimented grid, Abbott rearranged them into a meandering rainbow ribbon. Even tracing it with your eyes is stimulating—an especially welcome feature if illness has rendered them the most mobile part of your body.   (Photo right: Patients whose respiratory muscles were affected were placed in an "iron lung" machine to enable them to breathe. Source: Courtesy of World Heath Organization)

A colorful chocolate-and-candy landscape seems like the game’s main attraction, but Candy Land’s play revolves around movement. In theme and execution, the game functions as a mobility fantasy. It simulates a leisurely stroll instead of the studied rigor of therapeutic exercise. And unlike the challenges of physical therapy, movement in Candy Land is so effortless, it’s literally all one can do. Every card drawn either compels you forward or whisks you some distance across the board. Each turn promises either the pleasure of unencumbered travel or the thrill of unexpected flight. The game counters the culture of restriction imposed by both the polio scare and the disease itself.

The joy of movement, especially for polio patients, seems to have been integral to Abbott’s design philosophy from the start. The original board even depicts the tentative steps of a boy in a leg brace. 

The game also recognizes that mobility entails autonomy. At least part of Candy Land’s appeal is the feeling of independence it provides its young players. In a backstory printed in the game’s instruction manual, the player tokens (in the current edition, four brightly colored plastic gingerbread men) are said to represent the players’ “guides.” They represent the chance to be an active agent, with assistance—an ambulatory adventurer, not a prisoner of the hospital or home. The game may even mark the first time a player feels like a protagonist.

The threat of polio has lessened over time, but Candy Land’s value persists because of what it teaches. This is not to rehash the usual litany of early-childhood skills some Candy Land proponents tout. Yes, the game strengthens pattern recognition. Sure, it can teach children to read and follow instructions. In theory, it shows children how to play together—how to win humbly or lose graciously. But any game can teach these skills. Candy Land’s lessons are not to be found in the game, but in its results. Now that polio is a distant fear and mobility a power taken for granted, most games of Candy Land disappoint. The rules today are the same as they were in 1949, but something about the proceedings simply does not add up. Eventually, children recognize that they don’t have a hand in winning or losing. The deck chooses for them. An ordained victory is an empty one, without the satisfaction of triumph through skills or smarts.

When children want a more challenging experience, they leave Candy Land behind. And that, in the end, is what makes Candy Land priceless: It is designed to be outgrown. Abbott’s game originally taught children, immobilized and separated from family, to envision a world beyond the polio ward, where opportunities for growth and adventure could still materialize. Today that lesson persists more broadly. The game teaches children that all arrangements have their alternatives. It’s the start of learning how to imagine a better world than the one they inherited. As it has done for generations, Candy Land continues to send young children on the first steps of that journey.




Remembering the First Native American Woman Doctor

Susan La Flesche shattered not just one barrier, but two, to become the first Native American woman doctor in the United States in the 1880s.

Christopher Klein

 native american woman doctors 1

Eight-year-old Susan La Flesche sat at the bedside of an elderly woman, puzzled as to why the doctor had yet to arrive. After all, he had been summoned four times, and four times he had promised to come straight away. As the night grew longer, the sick woman’s breathing grew fainter until she died in agony before the break of dawn. Even to a young girl, the message delivered by the doctor’s absence was painfully clear: “It was only an Indian.”

That searing moment stoked the fire inside Susan to one day heal the fellow members of her Omaha tribe. “It has always been a desire of mine to study medicine ever since I was a small girl,” she wrote years later, “for even then I saw the need of my people for a good physician.”

Born in a buckskin teepee on the Omaha Indian Reservation in northeast Nebraska on June 17, 1865, Susan was never given a traditional Omaha name by her mixed-race parents. Her father, Chief Joseph La Flesche (also known as “Iron Eye”), believed his children as well as his tribe were now living in a white man’s world in which change would be the only constant. “As the chief guardian of welfare, he realized they would have to adapt to white ways or simply cease to survive,” says Joe Starita, author of “A Warrior of the People: How Susan La Flesche Overcame Racial and Gender Inequality to Become America’s First Indian Doctor.” “He began an almost intense indoctrination of his four daughters. They would have to speak English and go to white schools.”

While Iron Eye insisted that Susan learn the tribe’s traditional songs, beliefs, customs and language in order to retain her Omaha identity, he also sent her to a Presbyterian mission school on the reservation where she learned English and became a devout Christian. At the age of 14, she was sent east to attend a girls’ school in Elizabeth, New Jersey, followed by time at Virginia’s Hampton Institute, where she took classes with the children of former slaves and other Native Americans.

Omaha means “against the current,” and few members of the tribe embodied the name better than La Flesche, as she proved by enrolling in the Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania at a time when even the most privileged of white women faced severe discrimination. Starita points to articles were smaller than those of men or that their menstrual cycles made them unfit for scientific pursuits. A Harvard doctor even wrote a 300-page thesis asserting that women should be barred from attending college because the stress would harm their reproductive organs. “When you read these theories in scientific journals, you realize what all women were facing,” Starita tells HISTORY.

native american woman doctors 2

Still, La Flesche persevered and graduated in 1889 at the top of her 36-woman class to make history by becoming the first Native American woman doctor. Although prodded to remain on the East Coast where she could have lived a very comfortable existence, the 24-year-old La Flesche returned to the reservation to fulfill her destiny.

She became the sole doctor for 1,244 patients spread over a massive territory of 1,350 square miles. House calls were arduous. Long portions of her 20-hour workdays were spent wrapped in a buffalo robe driving her buggy through blankets of snow and biting subzero winds with her mares, Pat and Pudge, her only companions. When she returned home, the woman known as “Dr. Sue” often found a line of wheezing and coughing patients awaiting her. La Flesche’s office hours never ended. While she slept, the lantern lit in her window remained a beacon for anyone in need of help.

La Flesche preached hygiene and prevention along with the healing power of fresh air and sunshine. She also spoke out against the white whiskey peddlers who preyed on the tribe members, continuing her father’s work as a passionate prohibitionist.

As difficult as it may have been to straddle two civilizations, La Flesche “managed to thread the delicate bicultural needle,” according to Starita. “Those with no trust of white doctors flocked to Susan,” he says. “The people trusted her because she spoke their language and knew their customs.”

native american woman doctors 3

La Flesche again shattered stereotypes by continuing to work after her 1894 marriage to Henry Picotte, a Sioux from South Dakota, and the birth of their two boys at a time when women were expected to be full-time mothers and home makers. “If you are looking for someone who was ‘leaning in’ a century before that term was coined, you need look no further than Susan La Flesche,” Starita says. “She faced a constant struggle to serve her people and serve her husband and children. She was haunted that she was spreading herself so thin that she wasn’t the doctor, mother and wife she should be. The very fears haunting her as a woman in the closing years of the 19th century are those still haunting women in the opening years of the 21st century.”

The evils of alcohol that La Flesche railed against came into her home as her husband struggled with the bottle. He contracted tuberculosis, exacerbated by his alcoholism, and died in 1905, leaving La Flesche a widow with two small boys. By this point, the physician needed some healing herself, as her long hours led to chronic pain and respiratory issues. She pressed on, however, and in 1913 opened a hospital near Walthill, Nebraska, the first such facility to be built on reservation land without any support from the federal government. Her hospital was open to anyone who was ill—no matter their age, gender or skin color.

Starita believes that La Flesche, who passed away at the age of 50 on September 18, 1915, faced greater discrimination as a woman than as a Native American. “When I got into the research, I was stunned by how deeply entrenched gender bias was in the Victorian era. White women were largely expected to just raise children and maintain a safe Christian home. One can only imagine where that bar was set for a Native American woman.”

 

 

 

The Transcontinental Railroad’s Dark Costs: Exploited Labor, Stolen Lands

Chinese immigrant workers and Indigenous tribes paid a particularly high price.

By Lakshmi Gandhi

Construction on the Transcontinental Railroad began on January 8, 1863 in Sacramento, when workers for the Central Pacific Railroad first broke ground for the track. Eleven months later, their counterparts in the Midwest—workers for the Union Pacific Railroad—began breaking ground in Omaha.

Racing to meet in the middle, they completed the project in 1869. With brute manpower, engineering savvy—and little in the way of heavy equipment—they conquered some of the nation’s most daunting terrain. The work included grading steep mountain faces, building bridges across vast canyons and blasting tunnels through solid granite.

2025 09 01 Dale Creek Bridge Union Pacific Railroad Company by Andrew J Russell

Dale Creek bridge By Andrew J. Russell / Adam Cuerden - Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library Public Domain, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=14833511

It was widely viewed as an American triumph—the railroad vastly expanded America’s economy as it opened up opportunity in the American West. But there was also a dark side to the historic national project. The railroad was completed by the sweat and muscle of exploited labor, it wiped out populations of buffalo, which had been essential to Indigenous communities, and it extended over land that had been unlawfully seized from tribal nations.

Chinese Workers Dominated the Workforce

 2025 09 02 Chinese railroad workers sierra nevada

By "B&H", illustrator; sketch by Joesph Becker (1841-1910) - Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley. http://www.oac.cdlib.org/ark:/13030/tf3q2nb5qk/?order=1, Public Domain, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=8401929

While the transcontinental Railroad enjoyed wide support—from President Abraham Lincoln, Congress and business leaders and investors—finding enough workers among America’s white laboring class to undertake the grueling and hazardous work proved challenging. Many Irish immigrants and other white laborers who moved west chose instead to pursue farming or mining.

In January 1865, Central Pacific published an ad seeking 5,000 railroad workers. Several hundred white workers responded, according to historians Gordon H. Chang and Shelley Fisher Fishkin in their book The Chinese and the Iron Road: Building the Transcontinental Railroad, but the job required many more hands. So railroad companies began recruiting abroad, focusing particularly on China.

The first Chinese railroad workers (a team of 21 men) arrived in the United States in 1864; ultimately, it’s estimated that some 20,000 Chinese laborers participated in the project, making up the majority of the workforce. Most came from China’s southern Guangdong province, fleeing their country’s Opium Wars. They were joined in the effort by African Americans, Irishmen and smaller numbers of Native Americans and Mormons (now referred to as members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints).

The treatment and working conditions of each group varied widely. According to researchers at Stanford University’s Chinese Railroad Workers in North America Project, Chinese laborers earned between half and two-thirds of what Euro-American laborers did, and had to pay for their food. In the summer of 1867, thousands of Chinese workers organized the largest labor stoppage in America up to that date to demand both equal pay and better working conditions. Railroad bosses ultimately broke the strike by withholding food rations and threatening violence, and the workers’ demands were denied. But their pushback showed that the Chinese were not docile laborers unwilling to fight for their rights. “They learned that the Chinese could not be taken for granted,” Stanford University’s Hilton Obenzinger told NBC News.

While Chinese workers dominated the railroad workforce in the West, most eastern and southern railroad companies relied on Black Americans to do the back-breaking construction work. Before Emancipation, companies owned, hired or rented enslaved laborers, both male and female, according to Ted Kornweibel, author of Railroads in the African American Experience. After Emancipation and the Civil War, newly freed Black Americans, looking for an alternative to dead-end sharecropping or domestic service, sought employment on the western railroad teams. Like Chinese workers, they faced sharp pay disparities and were often subject to the worst working conditions.

Once railroads became operational, they served in numerous capacities: as firemen shoveling coal into the trains’ engines, as brakemen and switchmen, baggage and freight handlers and as porters and waiters. Despite the modest pay, railroad work was seen as a steady, respectable job for newly freed Black American men, a fact noted in the blues song ‘Berta.’ “When you marry, marry a railroad man,” the lyrics instruct. “Every day Sunday, a dollar in your hand.’

Dangerous Working Conditions

2025 09 03 CPRR Sierra Grade Donner Summit 1869 2003

By Centpacrr at English Wikipedia - Transferred from en.wikipedia to Commons., Public Domain, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=47213831

One reason it was so hard to recruit railroad labor was that the work was inherently dangerous and isolating. The landscape was rugged, the living conditions primitive and the weather often extreme. Harsh mountain winters brought the regular threat of avalanches, while brutal summer temperatures in the desert terrain could reach up to 120 degrees Fahrenheit, causing workers to collapse from dehydration and heat stroke.

One of the most hazardous areas on the route was the Sierra Nevada’s Cape Horn, a notoriously steep peak that required the railroad’s roadbed to snake around the mountain. Teams of mostly Chinese workers would be tasked with removing boulders, trees and brush from the mountain’s nearly perpendicular slope. And some would be lowered from the top of the cliff by rope or in woven reed baskets to chip away at the rock face to clear space for explosives—which they would light before signaling to be quickly pulled back up. Any imprecision or delay in pulling them up resulted in death.

While the railroads didn't keep records on workers' deaths, as many as 1,000 are believed to have died from accidental explosions and snow or rock slides, according to Stanford researchers.

The Railroad Devastated Buffalo Herds—and Native Americans’ Way of Life

To facilitate the railroad’s passage through the nation’s central and western regions, the government granted millions of acres of land to the railroad companies that actually belonged to tribal nations. Track was laid across 15 distinct tribal homelands, according to the Utah Division of State History. Not only did the construction displace Indian people from their lands, but it decimated a crucial resource: the buffalo, traditionally hunted by Plains tribes such as the Lakota, Arapaho and Cheyenne for food, shelter and trade.

According to the National Parks Service, the bison population fell from tens of millions in the early part of the 19th century to near extinction after being hunted by soldiers, railroad workers and travelers as the railroad progressed. Losing a resource so integral to their ways of life ultimately deepened Indigenous people’s dependence on the U.S. government.

Some displaced tribes resisted the occupation of their lands by raiding railroad worker camps and disrupting construction. So the U.S. government deployed the military to protect the vast public-private investment. To prevent skirmishes, railroad companies frequently called on General William Tecumseh Sherman, a celebrated Civil War leader put in charge of protecting the railroads, to send troops. Some army actions escalated into full-out attacks on native villages, such as the 1864 Sand Creek Massacre, which killed more than 200 tribal people, mostly women and children.

Not all tribes were affected the same way. Some bands of the Central Plains Pawnee nation, for example, cooperated with the U.S. government, working as scouts and helping defend railroad worksites from their historical tribal enemies.

READ MORE: What Was It Like to Ride the Transcontinental Railroad

 

Chinese Workers’ Contributions Were Overlooked

Efforts to depict the transcontinental railroad as a grand project created by and for white Americans began just moments after the railroad was completed in 1869, when a symbolic Golden Spike was hammered into the ground in Promontory Summit, Utah, where the rails constructed by the Central Pacific and Union Pacific met. Although the majority of railroad laborers came from China, they were left out of the formal documentation of the ceremony marking the project’s completion. The official photo shows two engineers shaking hands, surrounded by workers with champagne bottles. Not one of the workers visible in the picture was Chinese.

"History—at least photographically—says that the Chinese were not present," the late photographer Corky Lee told NPR in 2014. That erasure would continue at the transcontinental railroad’s centennial in 1969. Despite efforts by Chinese railroad workers’ descendants to seek acknowledgement of their ancestors’ labor, then-Transportation Secretary John A. Volpe failed to credit the immigrant workers in his speech, saying instead, “Who else but Americans could chisel through miles of solid granite? Who else but Americans could have laid 10 miles of track in 12 hours?”

Since then, the U.S. government and historians have worked to include the stories of the Chinese while chronicling the railroad’s creation. In 2019, in honor of the 150th anniversary of the Golden Spike ceremony, Transportation Secretary Elaine Chao paid tribute to the Chinese workers who, in her words, “risked everything to make the transcontinental railroad a reality.”

2025 09 5 Pacific Railroad Profile 1867

By Drawn by C.H. Wells for Harper's Weekly December 7, 1867(original engraving)(Digital reconstruction & restoration by the uploader) - The Cooper Collection of US Railroad History (private collection), Public Domain, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=47213750

 


 
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weekly@StateOfJeffersonRotary.org

 


 

 

Hacker Targets Mac Users Looking for LastPass Downloads on Search Engines

The password manager warns users about Google and Bing search results for LastPass and other apps that lead to GitHub pages containing malware.

By Michael Kan

A hacker is trying to infect Mac users with malware by exploiting internet searches for password managers and other apps, including LastPass

LastPass is warning users about the threat, which involves deceptive download links appearing on search engines like Google and Microsoft’s Bing. The links forward users to pages on GitHub, a popular platform for hosting software projects, including free, open-source programs. LastPass itself has an official page on GitHub. 

An example

(Credit: LastPass)

It looks like a hacker tried to exploit this by creating two fake GitHub pages for the Mac version of LastPass. But in reality, it was a scheme designed to trick users into installing the Atomic malware, which can steal passwords and cryptocurrency details from a user’s browser. 

the github page

(Credit: LastPass)

According to LastPass, the malicious GitHub pages appear if you search Google for “lastpass github macos." The GitHub pages then try to redirect users to another domain at “macprograms-pro[.]com/mac-git-2-download.html” to fool users into installing the actual malware. 

The hacker uses search engine optimization techniques to elevate the GitHub pages on Google and Bing search results. It's unclear what those techniques are, but creating a network of fake web pages that link to the malicious GitHub pages and using specific keywords can elevate a domain to a search result. 

The hacker behind the attack also tried to exploit searches for a wide number of Mac-related apps. “This campaign appears to be targeting a range of companies, including tech companies, financial institutions, password managers, and more,” LastPass added.

The other products targeted include stock trading app Robinhood, 1Password, free audio editor Audacity, and video editor Davinci Resolve for Macs. 

The good news is that the malicious GitHub pages appear to have been taken down. Still, if you search for "lastpass github macos," you can still find one of the malicious GitHub pages near the top of the results. The incident is a reminder that it's best to download apps from official domains and app stores.

 

weekly@StateOfJeffersonRotary.org

 

 

 
 

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